Research Database

We measure health inequality during middle and old age by race, ethnicity, and gender and evaluate the extent to which it can explain inequalities in other key economic outcomes using the Health and Retirement Study data set. Our main measure of health is frailty, which is the fraction of one’s possible health deficits and is related to biological age. We find staggering health inequality: At age 55, Black men and women have the frailty, or biological age, of White men and women 13 and 20 years older, respectively, while Hispanic men and women exhibit frailty akin to White men and women 5 and 6 years older. The health deficits composing frailty reveal that most health deficits are more likely for Black and Hispanic people than for White people, with the notable exception of those requiring a diagnosis. Imputing medical diagnoses to Black and Hispanic people uncovers even larger health gaps, especially for Black men. Health inequality also emerges as a powerful determinant of economic inequality. If Black individuals at age 55 had the health of their White peers, the life expectancy gap between these two groups would halve, and the gap in disability duration would decrease by 40-70%. Other outcomes are similarly affected by health at age 55, indicating that targeted health interventions for minority groups before middle age could substantially reduce economic disparities in the quantity and quality of life.

We show that the first and only experiment of U.S. mass production of houses, in a factory-built home industry that became known as the Mobile Home industry (and today, as the Manufactured Home industry), was a tremendous success. Mobile Home prices-psf fell by two-thirds from 1955 to 1973, as productivity soared; home quality rose significantly, with Mobile Home building codes receiving ANSI certification in 1963 and National Fire Protection Association co-sponsorship in 1965; as production soared, Mobile Homes accounted for one-third of single-family homes produced in the early 1970s. These feats were achieved as industry leaders developed state-wide building codes for Mobile Homes. This dramatically increased the size of the market for them. Factories invested in specialized machinery to produce simple and standardized products, substituting machinery for labor. Given each factory produced under the same code, industry-induced productivity gains followed, including external effects and directed technical change. Lessons from this industry give insights into critical issues in today's residential construction industry. The poor productivity performance of today's residential construction industry is considered a puzzle. But this poor performance is not new. Our forebears before 1950 wrote extensively about the sector's poor performance, attributing it to the failure to adopt factory-built housing. Our analysis strongly supports this view - for their time and ours. It also supports their view, like that of Levitt & Sons, that factory production is the only way "to produce the homes and apartments needed to house our expanding population and our underprivileged citizens in a comfortable, dignified, decent way," (U.S. Senate 1969).

The empirical literature on the stability of the Phillips curve has largely ignored the bias that endogenous monetary policy imparts on estimated Phillips curve coefficients. We argue that this omission has important implications. When policy is endogenous, estimation based on aggregate data can be uninformative as to the existence of a stable relationship between unemployment and future inflation. But we also argue that regional data can be used to identify the structural relationship between unemployment and inflation. Using city-level and state-level data from 1977 to 2017, we show that both the reduced form and the structural parameters of the Phillips curve are, to a substantial degree, quite stable over time.

Differences in household saving rates are a key driver of wealth inequality. But what determines these differences in saving rates and wealth accumulation? We provide a new answer to this longstanding question based on new empirical evidence and a new modeling framework. In the data, we decompose U.S. household wealth into its main portfolio components to document two new empirical facts. First, the variation in wealth by income is mainly driven by differences in participation in asset markets rather than by the amounts invested. Wealth differences are a matter of to have or not to have. Second, the large heterogeneity in asset market participation closely follows observed differences in access to asset markets. Combining these two facts, we develop a new model of life-cycle wealth accumulation in which income-dependent market access is the key driver of differences in asset market participation and saving rates by income. The calibrated model accurately captures the joint distribution of income and wealth. Eliminating heterogeneity in access to asset markets increases wealth accumulation in the bottom half of the income distribution by 32%. Facilitating access to employer-sponsored retirement accounts improves broad-based wealth accumulation in the U.S. economy. Historical data support the model’s prediction.

Like most countries, the Chilean government closed schools as part of its pandemic public health mandates in order to restrict social-contact activities and reduce disease spread. We study the impact of central planner variation in school re-openings on parental labor supply, focusing on the initial three months after schools partially re-opened. We find that mothers’ labor force participation (LFP) decreased by 5.1 percentage points (ppts) one month after re-opening relative to mothers near closed schools. It decreased 9.5 ppts among householder mothers. These magnitudes weakened over time. Two or three months out, mothers who stayed in the labor force saw minimal increase in their ability to actively work and, more specifically, to work in informal jobs. In contrast, fathers’ LFP immediately increased anywhere from 2.0 to 2.9 ppts. Unplanned care disruptions during the re-opening of schools, an artifact of quarantine policies related to sickness and exposure, had differential effects on parental labor supply. Our findings support a theory that parental labor supply is uniquely sensitivity to the care transitions of children both in terms of gender and the householder status of the parent. Policies that encourage consistency in care transitions would largely benefit mothers’ ability to stay engaged in the labor force and advance in paid jobs and careers, especially when they are the householder.

Neighborhoods have a profound and lasting impact on children’s economic outcomes later in life, challenging the equality of opportunity promised by the American Dream. We develop a dynamic spatial equilibrium model in which children’s education choices are shaped by the costs and returns to education in their childhood location. Local returns depend on the moving-cost-adjusted education wage premia in all locations and local costs on the per-student school funding raised from local taxes. In the calibrated model, equalizing school funding across all students decreases differences in education outcomes across US counties and increases intergenerational mobility. However, the reform reduces the supply of educated workers in locations where the demand for them is highest, lowering aggregate output. Policies that instead broaden access to counties with good education outcomes increase intergenerational mobility without reducing output.

We use panel data from the Italian Survey of Household Income and Wealth from 1991 to 2016 to document empirically what components of the household budget constraint change in response to shocks to household labor income, both over shorter and over longer horizons. We show that shocks to labor income are associated with negligible changes in transfers and non-labor income components, modest changes in consumption expenditures, and large changes in wealth. We then split the sample in households which do not own business or real estate wealth, and households who do. For the first group, we find that consumption responses are more substantial (and increasing with the horizon of the income shock) and wealth responses are much smaller. We show that, for this group, a version of the standard PIH framework that allows for partial insurance against even permanent income shocks can explain well the consumption and wealth responses, both at short and long horizons. For the second group the standard framework cannot explain the large changes in wealth associated with income shocks. We conclude that models which include shocks to the value of household wealth are necessary to fully evaluate the sources and the consequences of household resource risk.

We present two valuation models which we use to account for the annual data on price per share and dividends per share for the CRSP Value-Weighted Index from 1929 to 2023. We show that it is a simple matter to account for these data based purely on a model of variation over time in the expected ratio of dividends per share to aggregate consumption under two conditions. First, investors must receive news shocks regarding the expected ratio of dividends per share to aggregate consumption in the long run. Second, the discount rate used to evaluate the impact of this news on the current price per share must be low. We use the approach of Campbell and Shiller (1987) and Campbell and Shiller (1988) to argue that the cash flow news in our model is not a stand-in for changes in expected returns: with our model parameters, returns are not predictable and price dividend spreads and ratios predict dividend growth at model-implied magnitudes. We illustrate which parameter choices account for differences between our results and prior findings in the literature. We conclude that the answer to Shiller’s (1981) question “Do stock prices move too much to be justified by subsequent movements in dividends?” is “not necessarily.”

The interest rate on government debt is significantly lower than the rates of return on other assets. From the perspective of standard models of optimal taxation, this empirical fact is puzzling: typically, the government should finance expenditures either through contingent taxes, or by previously-issued state-contingent debt, or by labor taxes, with only minor effects arising from intertemporal distortions on interest rates. We study how this answer changes in an economy with financial frictions, where the government cannot directly redistribute towards the agents in need of liquidity, but has otherwise access to a complete set of linear tax instruments. We establish a stark result. Provided this is feasible, optimal policy calls for the government to increase its debt, up to the point at which it provides sufficient liquidity to avoid financial constraints. In this case, capital-income taxes are zero in the long run, and the returns on government debt and capital are equalized. However, if the fiscal space is insufficient, a wedge opens between the rate of return on government debt and capital. In this case, optimal long-run tax policy is driven by a trade-off between the desire to mitigate financial frictions by subsidizing capital and the incentive to exploit the quasi-rents accruing to producers of capital by taxing capital instead. This latter incentive magnifies the wedge between rates of return on publicly and privately-issued assets.

The return on government debt is lower than that of asset with similar payoffs. We study optimal debt management and taxation when the government cannot directly redistribute towards the agents in need of liquidity but otherwise has access to a complete set of linear tax instruments. Optimal government debt provision calls for gradually closing the wedge between the returns as much as possible, but tax policy may work as a countervailing force: as long as financial frictions bind, it can be optimal to tax capital even if this magnifies the discrepancy in returns.